‍Multidisciplinary Approach to Dance Practices in Brittany 

‍In this article we have translated a chapter from the musicological text Quand la musique prend corps (When the Music Takes Shape). The chapter presented, by psychologist Karen Nioche (https://www.karennioche.fr/), is a fascinating work entitled A Multidisciplinary Approach to Dance Practices in Brittany and focuses on the kas-ha-barh and the gavottes montagne. 

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‍Our translation here is as literal as possible. The article refers to a URL with accompanying video footage; note that the URL is no longer functional and therefore the video is not available.

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• Book Title: Quand la musique prend corps (When the Music Takes Shape) 
• Chapter Title: A Multidisciplinary Approach to Dance Practices in Brittany 
• Chapter Author: Karen Nioche 
• Editors: Monique Desroches, Sophie Stévance, Serge Lacasse 
• Published by: Presses de l’Université de Montréal (2014) 

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‍In this article, we examine the performance of Breton musicians, specifically *sonneurs* (instrumentalists) and singers, through the lens of their “know-how to make people dance”, a concept we explore by focusing on movement. The choice of this particular approach stems from observations and experiences conducted in Brittany during a period of fieldwork that combined participation in dance events with observations made within learning environments.

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‍Some Contextual Elements: The *Fest-Noz* 

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‍At the center of this research lie, primarily, the dance practices associated with the *fest-noz*, a type of dance gathering devoted largely to repertoires collected and danced in Brittany, which was "revived" in the late 1950s by key figures in the "Breton music revival." Beyond the cultural and identity-related significance it has carried since the post-war era, the *fest-noz*, influenced by the counter-cultural movements that permeated it during the 1970s, is shaped by values such as "conviviality," "sociability," and "accessibility." Intergenerational relationships are encouraged, as is the absence of social hierarchy or excessive celebrity culture. Consequently, the admission fee is modest (approximately six euros), and beer flows freely at the bar, where, most often on Saturday nights, association volunteers, musicians, dancers, and onlookers, both young and old, gather together. 

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‍Furthermore, the *fest-noz* still takes place under the glow of neon lights, one does not dance in the dark without being able to see one's neighbors, and features performances by musicians present in the flesh: one does not dance to recorded music, but rather in direct contact with the musicians, specifically the *sonneurs* (traditional wind players) or singers, who possess the expertise indispensable to the dancers' enjoyment. Thus, the Breton musician or dancer is not merely the counterpoint or complement to the other; rather, their unity is sought after, and, in the interplay between the individual and the collective present, it can give rise to a phenomenon that some term "communion."

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‍1. *Festoù-noz* is the plural form. Its name, literally translated as "night party” refers specifically to the traditional post-threshing celebrations of Central Brittany, dance occasions that persisted until the early 1930s. The *fest-deiz* ("day party) is a daytime version of the *fest-noz*. It most often takes place on Sunday afternoons. In 2012, at the initiative of Breton cultural associations, the *fest-noz* (and *fest-deiz*) was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity established by UNESCO. For a historical overview of the *fest-noz* in the 20th century, see, for example, Postic 1998 or Colleu 1996. 

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‍2. Coined from a European perspective, the term "revival" (*relance*) encapsulates the process, the stakes (including social ones), and the strategies associated with the valorization of "heritage" - understood as either an object or a form of know-how. This definition is proposed by Bromberger and Chevallier (2004). 

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‍3. This designation refers to the efforts undertaken from the 1940s through the late 1960s in Lower Brittany - notably by the Brotherhood of Musicians (*Bodadeg ar Sonerion*, founded in 1943) and its key figures such as Polig Monjarret (1920–2003), as well as by Celtic circles and individuals such as Loeiz (Louis) Ropars (1921–2007). 

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‍4. The contemporary Breton instrumental repertoire has expanded to encompass most of the instruments commonly played in Europe today; the influence of "inter-Celticism" has, in particular, contributed to the integration of the Irish wooden flute, the Celtic harp, and the guitar tuned to DADGAD. One also frequently hears a variety of percussion instruments, keyboards, and amplified ensembles (electric guitars, bass, drums, etc.). 

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‍5 & 6. Thanks to field recordings and the commitment of certain musicians to master the expertise of the "old-timers”, the players who remained active until approximately 1939–1940 (particularly in Central Brittany, where the persistence of such musical and choreographic practices, by then considered archaic, was unevenly distributed across the region).

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‍Some Aspects of the Musician’s Relationship to Dance 

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‍In the experience of these dances, the music, which accompanies, encourages, and exalts the dancers, is perceived simultaneously as an autonomous entity and as a kind of "template" of the dance; this latter aspect is partially explained by the close structural correspondence between the musical pieces and the danced phrases, a subject we will not address in the present article. Indeed, the musicians’ performance modalities appear to play a predominant role, remaining inextricably linked to the dance at every moment; we will therefore attempt here to highlight some of their key characteristics. The *kas a barh*, the first dance on which we will focus, and which can be viewed in the video accompanying this chapter, brings to the fore a parameter that seems particularly fruitful for deepening our understanding of the relationship between dance and music: movement. 

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‍To examine this parameter, we will employ a multidisciplinary approach grounded in both ethnomusicology and dance studies. It should be added that the avenues of inquiry explored here emerged from observations, discussions, and interviews, but also, and perhaps above all, from firsthand experiences of the dance in the field, undertaken in the dual capacity of dancer and musician (pianist). This engagement through practice, enhanced by a multidisciplinary exploration that integrates theoretical and analytical tools while broadening the scope of perception, has helped shed light on parameters that would otherwise likely have remained in the shadows.

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‍Our discussion draws upon various films resulting from fieldwork conducted in Brittany between 2007 and 2011. The images of *kas a barh* thus open onto the pipers' championship held annually in Gourin (Morbihan department) on the first weekend of September. Here, we witness a competition for the musicians, but also for the dancers; indeed, the dancers wear numbered bibs (serving as markers for the judges). The video montage transitions to a very distinctive *fest-noz*, a project initiated by musician Erwan Burban and performed here in Rennes (at the Antipode venue) on November 12, 2008. 

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‍The staging - immediately striking due to the dim lighting - aims specifically to foster a sense of "trance" (a term echoing that of "communion") by cultivating the atmospheres and sensations characteristic of the traditional *fest-noz*. The two musicians, Gwen Dayot and Job Defernez, play the *bombard* and the *biniou koz*, respectively (the latter being a small Breton bagpipe, distinct from the *biniou braz* - the large Breton bagpipe directly inspired by the Scottish bagpipe). The "Dance Fundamentals" workshop (*atelier « dégrossissage des danses »*) was a course offered between 2008 and 2010 by the music education association Les Menhirs, located in Le Sel-de-Bretagne (Ille-et-Vilaine department); its objective was to provide aspiring musicians with the essential tools for "playing for the dance." This instruction, intended for students in "Cycle 2" (10), is led here by Stéphane Hardy - a bombard player, bass saxophonist, and teacher holding the State Diploma in Traditional Music, who also serves as the association’s (11) educational coordinator.

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‍7. Video excerpts are available at http://www.pum.umontreal.ca/quand-la-musique-prend-corps/karen_nioche (ed. note: this link is not functional) 

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‍The footage of the *gavotte des montagnes* was filmed in Finistère, at Châteauneuf-du-Faou, in 2008 and 2011 during the "Le Printemps de Châteauneuf" festival. Held annually over Easter weekend, the festival features parallel programs of dance and concerts taking place in two distinct venues, running for twelve hours straight - from 4:00 p.m. until 4:00 a.m. Hervé Irvoas - father (*tad* in Breton, playing the *biniou koz*) and son (*mab*, playing the *bombard*) open the festival at 4:00 p.m.; later that evening, around 10:00 p.m., the father performs again alongside his regular partner, Serge Riou. In 2011, Cécile Flouret and Céline Irvoas performed there in the late afternoon. Annie Ébrel and Nolwen Le Buhé’s performance took place in Poullaouen (Finistère) during the "Nuit de la Gavotte" on September 19, 2009. The pairs of singers appear together in the same montage. 

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‍8. For further details regarding the project, please visit the associated website: http://skolkozh.wordpress.com 

‍9. The association is dedicated to traditional music, primarily Breton. 

‍10. In accordance with the departmental framework for music education: "Cycle 2" students possess sufficient mastery of instrumental techniques to deepen their knowledge of the repertoire. 

‍11. Until the summer of 2010.

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‍The Movement of *Kas a Barh* Musicians 

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‍Originating in the Vannes region, the *kas a barh* is performed as a procession of couples; its footwork is similar to that of a dance from the same locality - known as the *en dro* ("in a circle") (editor’s note: more typically known as the ‘andro’ in the English-speaking world), which is performed as a round dance. In the first third of the 20th century, it was primarily sung or played by a *biniou-bombard* duo; as is the case for the vast majority of Breton dances today, it is now heard performed by the full range of instruments comprising the modern Breton ensemble, utilizing a technique of overlapping musical phrases that is widespread throughout Brittany. 

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‍The dancing couple holds hands by linking their little fingers. The role of the man, a role that may just as easily be assumed by a woman, consists of leading his partner forward and then, by tracing a figure-eight with his wrist, guiding her through a specific dance figure. This figure follows a path moving from the side toward the rear, before returning to the starting position to resume the forward march side-by-side. This trajectory is accompanied by a series of invariable steps following a specific rhythm: short-short-long. The foot lands flat, and the knees lift slightly along a vertical axis; the arm linking the two dancers marks the rhythm of this distinctive gait with varying degrees of emphasis. The leg movements are relatively expansive, depending on the dancers' individual interpretation; when executed with regularity, the movement flows smoothly. Most frequently, the musical phrase encompasses the entire dance figure (the forward march plus the specific figure), that is, four complete rhythmic sequences. Our attention is drawn specifically to the musicians (*sonneurs*), for whom it is customary to perform this very step while playing their instruments; this practice appears to be a distinguishing feature that sets the *kas a barh* apart from most other Breton dances. Moreover, this is a principle that is taught, as evidenced by the workshop led by Stéphane Hardy.

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‍12. According to the formula often shared during the initiation into this dance. 

‍13. Stéphane Hardy also describes this dance in the accompanying video.

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‍These steps - unwavering - underpin and support the other movements of the dance; we have described them rhythmically according to the formula: short-short-long; let us now add a description of the movement in its unfolding.

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‍The phenomenologist, dancer, and choreographer Maxine Sheets-Johnstone proposes describing movement in terms of four aspects, four "qualities": "areal," "linear," "projectional," and "tensional" (Sheets-Johnstone 1966). The first, "areal," concerns the amplitude of the movement in particular, and the amplitude of the body more broadly; the second, "linear," focuses specifically on the lines traced by the body or by one of its parts; the "projectional" quality describes the manner in which the movement unfolds, how force is released (to this end, the philosopher draws upon imagery derived from ballistics); finally, the "tensional" quality, the intensity inherent in the projection of the movement, may vary during its execution.

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‍Added to this descriptive framework is a definition that shifts and transforms our perspective: in characterizing the experience of movement, which falls under the multisensory perceptual system known as "kinesthesia" (Berthoz 1997), Maxine Sheets-Johnstone draws our attention to a specific phrase: "kinesthetic sensation." Although commonly used, even by dancers and choreographers, this expression is, in fact, inappropriate; for sensations are "spatially pointillistic" and "temporally punctual" (Sheets-Johnstone 2012b: 39514). A "sensation" simply does not provide the kinesthetic continuity and depth implied by the term "dynamics." Indeed, when we execute a movement, we distinctly perceive "dynamics”, that is, the qualities described above, simultaneously. This occurs thanks to a multitude of receptors belonging to various sensory modalities (Berthoz 1997), and it does so continuously, encompassing the full complexity of the interplay of forces within three-dimensional space. Such an approach, once fully internalized by the researcher as well, serves to enrich our understanding of the movement of the musicians performing the *kas a barh*.

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‍14. Sheets-Johnstone 2012b : 395 : « Sensations are spatially pointillist and temporally punctual – an itch, a jolt, a flash of light, a shove, and so on.»

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‍The Dynamics of the Musicians’ Movement 

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‍Here, we focus specifically on the remarkable amplitude evident in the leg movements of the instrumentalists. In the case of both dancers and musicians, this movement, which we have characterized as "ample", is preceded by two strikes; the projection of these strikes is, according to Sheets-Johnstone’s framework, of a "ballistic" nature, that is, initiated with sufficient force to endow the movement with the inertia necessary to carry it forward (Sheets-Johnstone 2012a: 46). The third strike thus imparts additional momentum, an intensified tension, sufficient to broaden the leg’s amplitude, elongate its line, and extend its projection. It is to achieve this motor freedom that Stéphane Hardy emphasizes the seated body position, and more specifically, the stabilization of the base of support and the distribution of body weight, thereby multiplying the possibilities for movement in both the legs and the torso, while simultaneously fostering the musician’s physical relaxation15. Evidently, the musician can, in this context, play with movement.

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‍15. He thus optimizes performance. 

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‍Defining not only the speed of the performance but, even more so, its dynamic qualities, this movement emerges as the matrix of the musical delivery, a matrix that dynamically structures the musicians' performance. Forged through the habit of repetition, such a structure serves to gauge the instrumental gestures that either submit to its constraints or, conversely, musically manipulate, in counterpoint to the movement, the unfolding force, the variations in intensity, and the moments of suspension or release that constitute the movement.

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‍Stéphane Hardy’s observations corroborate this hypothesis. Setting aside the visual figure, which, as he puts it, "does not interest us", he emphasizes the "lifted" step, a movement he struggles to characterize but ultimately describes as "skipping." He demonstrates, more through action than words, that "the most important thing" is this very step, and specifically the vertical projection of the foot and leg; his index finger points first upward, and then, in a second motion, downward. One might infer from this that there is, therefore, no fixed rule regarding this point; however, the "quality" of this projection depends on the underlying intention, an intention that differs depending on whether the foot strike is executed toward the ground (serving as the culmination of the leg’s descent) or whether that strike is viewed as the impetus for launching the leg vertically upward. He also draws attention to the foot’s "travel time," which, in his view, provides the musician with information regarding both the "dance accompaniment" and the "pulse." Through this lens, the "pulse" emerges as a rhythmic element that emanates explicitly from movement, specifically, a clearly defined movement. In this particular instance, we might conceive of the pulse as movement itself, a movement fully integrated with the various "qualities" described above.

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‍While the *kas a barh* step is observable among musicians and suggests a structural role, a question arises: although such a movement practice is unique to Brittany, could we not analyze musicians' performance in other dances through this same lens, that of movement? Might not certain dance movements, specifically, the sequence of footfalls or "steps", fulfill this very same function in other repertoires? Let us take the *Gavotte des Montagnes* as an example.

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‍Drawing upon these findings, derived from our study of the *kas a barh* and serving as the basis for a comparative approach, we will now turn our attention to another dance: the *gavotte des montagnes*. This dance will serve to further inform our analytical approach to the performance practices of Breton dance musicians.

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‍The Gavotte des Montagnes and Gravity

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‍No longer a procession but rather a closed circle (round) or an open chain, the Gavotte des Montagnes is a dance widely practiced in Lower Brittany. Its musical structure, generally established over eight beats, thus strictly mirrors the structure of the dance itself. With its alternating pattern of men and women, a configuration that is recommended, though optional, this dance preserves the concept of the couple, which continues to dominate the social organization of the chain. The gavotte may be performed in various styles depending on the *pays* (region)16 where it was collected; thus, the placement of the footfalls may be modulated (17), yet the overall form remains consistent. Unfolding over eight primary steps, the dance invariably incorporates a weight shift, the timing of which varies within the dance phrase according to the specific geographical origin of the collected version (for further details on the gavotte, see Guilcher 1963). As is the case with the *kas a barh*, virtually all instruments are today adapted for playing this dance; however, it is most specifically associated with the *biniou-bombard* duo, vocal performance by a pair utilizing the interlocking technique known as *kan a diskan*, the clarinet played in duet, or the chromatic accordion.

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‍16. Understood as a micro-region. 

‍17. As illustrated by the video of the duo "Irvoas Tad ha Mab," in which one can observe, side by side, support techniques practiced in various localities.

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‍The Gavotte des Montagnes Through the Lens of *Svikt* 

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‍Alan Pierre, a dancer and dance instructor at the War’l Leur Confederation, notes in an interview (18) just how significant the observable bounce is when a group of dancers performs the *gavotte montagne* (a shortened name for this specific dance); in his view, this bounce serves as an indicator that the dance is being executed correctly. Among various other step patterns, this specific type of "bounce" has been termed *svikt* by researchers in the field of Scandinavian dance; indeed, this regular, fluid vertical movement is a prominent and observable feature of dance practices throughout Northern Europe. *Svikt*, literally translatable as "bounce," "suppleness," "flexibility," or "elasticity", is described and visually represented for analytical purposes by the sinusoidal line traced by the head during the execution of a walking step (Bakka 2007). 

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‍Drawing on the work of ethnomusicologist Jan-Petter Blom (1961), ethnochoreologist Egil Bakka describes it as follows:

‍As a technical term for dance analysis we define one svikt as bending, causing a lowering of the body’s center of gravity, plus a stretching, causing a rising of the body’s center of gravity. If you dance walking steps along a blackboard letting a piece of chalk follow on the board, it will draw a curving line. The line will go down and return for each change of support. (Bakka 2007 : 108)

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‍Thus, *svikt* relates to the displacement of body weight in space, to the vertical movement of the dancer’s center of gravity (cited in Johansson 2009) and, according to the Scandinavian system, it corresponds to a shift of support.

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‍Such a tool serves to highlight a new dimension: gravity. Gravity indeed appears to constitute a significant structural element; for while points of support serve as reliable reference points for both the dancer and the observer, it is precisely the mastery of these supports, that is, the shifting of weight under the influence of gravity, the manner of moving toward a point of support and moving away from it with relaxation, allowing energy to flow between the dancers19, that emerges as a characteristic of this dance that is at once technical and emotional. Is this dimension taken into account in the musician’s performance? If so, how does it manifest there?

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‍18. Interview, February 11, 2010, Rennes.

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‍*Svikt* Among Gavotte Musicians 

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‍Unlike the *kas a barh*, the mountain gavotte does not consist of a short, standardized step pattern, but rather a danced phrase, one that the instrumentalists do not actually perform during their playing; instead, they merely mark the dance’s regular footfalls, much like an isochronous pulse. 

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‍However, it is interesting to observe the emergence of *svikt* among certain singers, who enjoy greater physical freedom than the instrumentalists, the latter being bound by the constraints of their instruments. Indeed, through a repeated vertical movement, which takes on various forms, these singers underscore and accompany the characteristic bounces of the gavotte.

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‍19. I would like to thank Naïk Raviart, who drew my attention to this point. Private interview, July 28, 2009, Brest. 

‍20. I deliberately employ the Anglo-Saxon term used by Egil Bakka: in his conception, the set of motifs he identifies indeed possesses a dynamic dimension; this term has no equivalent in French. 

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‍The Singers’ *Svikt* (21) 

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‍During the *Nuit de la Gavotte* in Poullaouen, the singing duo formed by Annie Ébrel (on *diskan*, the response) and Nolwen Le Buhé (on *kan*, the lead) offers a visual demonstration of two distinct ways of experiencing and interpreting this movement: the former executes two *svikt*, one expansive, the other more restrained, appearing to flow naturally from the momentum of the first; her vertical movement is crisp, as are the contrasts in its amplitude. Nolwen Le Buhé, for her part, emphasizes the verticality only very slightly; instead, she sways from side to side. Alan Pierre notes that she takes greater liberties than Annie Ébrel with the rhythmic anchors, which he terms "pulsations": in her interpretation, the lead singer places particular emphasis not so much on the footfalls, which she attenuates, than on the rising and falling of the center of gravity, which she explores while avoiding, or at least softening, the "strike" against the ground; indeed, it seems she bypasses it, acting almost as a counterpoint to the dancers, who *do* emphasize their footfalls, thereby prioritizing, in her interpretation, the horizontal progression of the gavotte. 

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‍Others, such as Cécile Flouret at the Printemps de Châteauneuf festival, actually execute the dance phrase’s specific steps in their entirety; during a conversation, the singer admitted to me that she was not even aware she was doing so. In contrast, the movements of Céline Irvoas, seen on the left in the film, appear quite similar to those of Annie Ébrel. Through their bodily attitudes during their performances, these singers appear to manifest their assimilation of the *svikt* movement. Not all singers execute it, and it is, no doubt, not strictly indispensable to their performance, yet it clearly constitutes a structural bodily element of primary importance.

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‍21. It should be noted that the need to draw upon significant examples dictated the choice of these pairs of female singers; they could just as easily have been men. The same applies to the instrumentalists, although pairs of female instrumentalists are currently rare in Brittany.

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‍From Singers to Instrumentalists 

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‍Consequently, *svikt* cannot be observed in the same manner among instrumentalists. Indeed, their customary foot tapping, which can be observed in the video featuring the duo Riou/Irvoas, in no way detracts from the characteristic fluidity of the *gavotte montagne*. In fact, and herein lies a major challenge for the researcher, even if instrumentalists are physically unable to execute a *svikt* movement during their performance, it is nonetheless present in their interpretation: from the dance floor, the quality of *svikt* is "heard"; it even appears central to their performance, for the more successfully the instrumentalists can musically convey this fluidity, and master it, the more they will satisfy the dancers. 

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‍Thus, even if this movement is not outwardly expressed, it remains no less perceptible: I propose that instrumentalists, much like singers, have internalized the dynamic structure inherent to the *gavotte des montagnes*, a structure characterized by its specific qualities and by a gravitational experience that is simultaneously individual and collective. This structure, I suggest, guides the interpretation of the melodies rooted in this tradition, yet remains unarticulated in physical form.

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‍22. Quimperlé, late 2011. 

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‍Could the movements of the *kas a barh* musicians, much like the rhythmic strikes of the *gavotte* musicians, be prescriptive in nature? It seems we have already observed the musical significance of such gestures here; however, the positioning of the players (who, more often than not, physically overlook the dancers), the sonic impact of their movements (which provide an effective percussive accompaniment), and the very act of the musicians initiating the dance all serve as arguments that would corroborate such a hypothesis. 

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‍Yet, their performance remains heavily dependent on an interactive context: the energy generated by the dancers constitutes an indispensable resource, enabling the players or singers to excel and, in doing so, offering the dancers the opportunity to experience a truly precious moment. Furthermore, and although this energy is channeled and, insofar as possible, controlled (sometimes to the point of extreme economy, in which case such movements vanish entirely), it must nonetheless be projected outward to fuel the dance. To what extent, however? Does an imperative still exist? The question remains.

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‍In light of the elements highlighted by the lens of movement, we would be inclined to substitute "movement qualities" for the concepts of speed and pulse, and to integrate into the study of the Breton dance musician’s performance the gravitational dimension, manifested through the *rebond* or *svikt* (bounce), that vertical displacement of the center of gravity which, in the gavotte, functions as an ostinato. Within such dances, musicians appear to deploy the energy, strategies, and skills necessary to lift and set in motion this dancing mass. Realized, of course, through interaction, for the dancers obviously play an active role, this musical accompaniment must be sufficiently effective to enable the group to successfully lift itself off the ground in unison. 

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‍The unfolding of the dance subsequently depends on a multitude of factors: the specific individuals present within the group of dancers; the nature of the relationships connecting them (anonymity, friendship, or, for members of *cercles celtiques* who are accustomed to dancing together, a sense of camaraderie; or perhaps a dance partnership that is casual, habitual, etc.); and also the affection they hold for the musicians present. On the musicians' side, key factors include the stakes of the performance (competitions, reputation, etc.), the dynamic between the musical partners (whether characterized by friendly rivalry, deep rapport, etc.), and, quite simply, their psychological state at that particular moment. Each individual’s capacity for empathy also plays a role, as do the effects of alcohol, the specific "occasion" for the event, the time of day, the venue, and the general atmosphere. In short, the event is contingent upon the myriad conditions surrounding the performance.

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‍Finally, the "qualities" of movement, or the gravitational dynamics, highlighted here are elements inherent to the body; they are observable *by* and *upon* bodies, yet not *within* them. Indeed, while *svikt* is evident in the singers' delivery, it is not visible in that of the instrumentalists; does this mean, however, that they disregard it? It is conceivable that such a parameter plays a central role in their musical conception, in both a practical and cognitive sense, without necessarily being outwardly apparent during performance, due to the constraints previously mentioned. In the gavotte, for instance, the line of force traced and released by the rebound could be *incorporated*, physically and conceptually integrated, into both the learning process and actual practice. Compelling as it is, such a hypothesis also appears pertinent when viewed through the lens of dance experience: within the context of a *fest-noz*, for the female dancer acting as a link in the chain, the specific "qualities" of the gavotte, as embodied in the musicians' performance, manifest as a self-evident reality. The entire challenge of this research now lies in the explication and analysis of such "embodied knowledge."

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‍References

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‍    •    Bakka, E. (2007), « Analysis of the Traditional Dance in Norway and in the Nordic Countries », dans A. L. Kaeppler et E. Ivanich Dunin (dir.), Dance Structures, Perspectives on the Analysis of Human Movement, Budapest : Akademiai Kiado, p. 103-112.

‍    •    Berthoz, A. (1997), Le sens du mouvement, Paris : Odile Jacob.

‍    •    Blom, J.-P. (1961), « Diffusjonsproblematikken og studiet av danseformer », dans A.M. Klausen (dir.), Kultur og diffusjon. Foredrag på Nordisk etnografmøte, Oslo : Universitets-forlaget, p. 101-114.

‍    •    Bromberger, C. et Chevallier, D. (2004), « De la métamorphose de la châtaigne à la renaissance du Carnaval. Relances de traditions dans l’Europe contemporaine », dans De la châtaigne au carnaval : relances de traditions dans l’Europe contemporaine, Die : Éditions A Die, p. 11-19.

‍    •    Colleu, M. et coll. (1996), Musique Bretonne, Histoire des sonneurs de tradition, Douarnenez : Le Chasse-Marée, ArMen.

‍    •    Guilcher, J.-M. (1963), La tradition populaire de danse en Basse-Bretagne, Paris : Mouton.

‍    •    Johansson, M. (2009), Rhythm into Style : Studying Asymmetrical Grooves in Norwegian Folk Music, doctoral thesis, University of Oslo.

‍    •    Postic, F. (1998), « Aux origines du fest-noz », Ar Men, no 93.

‍    •    Projet Skolkozh, written by Erwan Burban : http://skolkozh.wordpress.com

‍    •    Sheets-Johnstone, M. (1966), The Phenomenology of Dance, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

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‍(2012a), « From Movement to Dance », in T. Komendzinski and I. Hagendoorn (dir.), Phenomenology of Cognitive Sciences, n° 11, p. 39-57.

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‍(2012b), « Movement and Mirror Neurons : a Challenging and Choice Conversation », in T. Komendzinski and I. Hagendoorn (dir.), Phenomenology of Cognitive Sciences, n°11, p. 385-401.